By Eben van Tonder, 25 March 25
Abstract
I have been investigating the use of animal skins as a potential source of ammonia in the Hallstatt curing system of the Late Bronze Age, as explored in Exploring the Hallstatt Salt-Curing Method: An Archaeological and Biochemical Investigation. This paper builds on earlier investigations by turning attention to West Africa, suggesting that the modern Nigerian practice of preparing cowhide for consumption, known as pomo, may originate in ancient methods of hide fermentation and preservation. It explores the hypothesis that the contemporary sequence of boiling, drying, and roasting pomo constitutes a sophisticated adaptation designed to eliminate ammonia and other volatile by-products produced during early putrefactive processes. Drawing on archaeological evidence, ethnographic records, and traditional hide-working practices, the study argues that pomo preparation is not solely a culinary tradition but rather an empirically developed response to the challenge of rendering decomposed or fermented hides both safe and palatable. This insight significantly informs our understanding of the Hallstatt curing tradition, pointing to a shared technological repertoire with possible roots in the Late Bronze Age—techniques that would likely have been familiar to the Hallstatt community.
1. Introduction
The practice of using pit fermentation for the transformation and preservation of organic matter is a widespread phenomenon across ancient societies. These methods—whether for processing plant material like grains and tubers or animal products such as hides and flesh—frequently relied on the careful manipulation of microbial activity within controlled environmental conditions. Across regions as diverse as Hallstatt in Austria and Banda in Ghana, pits played a central role in biochemical processes that extended the usability and edibility of perishable resources. In many of these systems, microbial deamination of proteins produced ammonia, contributing to alkaline environments that could either aid in preservation or signal the onset of putrefaction.
In my recent study of the Hallstatt salt-curing method (van Tonder, 2024), I proposed that curing technologies were not merely passive preservative techniques but active biochemical interventions shaped by empirical observation and deliberate management of microbial processes. There, the interplay between salt, ammonia, and protein breakdown may have facilitated the transformation of meat into stable, nutrient-dense foods. A similar framework invites us to revisit ancient West African traditions with fresh eyes—traditions that, while distinct in form and geography, appear to engage in comparable biochemical strategies.
This paper hones in on the West African processing of animal hides, particularly within the context of pit fermentation and the production of ammonia through the deamination of proteins. The traditional use of fermentation pits, documented in regions such as Banda by Stahl (2001), often centred on agricultural products like cassava, millet, and sorghum, typically resulting in acidic fermentations dominated by lactic acid bacteria. However, where animal proteins were introduced, whether deliberately or through dual-use pits, the biochemical landscape shifted. The putrefactive breakdown of collagen and keratin in animal hides generated ammonia, producing alkaline conditions akin to those found in other ancient tanning and curing practices worldwide.
What emerges from this investigation is the possibility that such ammoniacal environments, while often associated with leather tanning, may have also informed food processing traditions. In contemporary Nigeria, pomo—boiled and roasted cowhide—is a highly prized delicacy. Its preparation typically involves boiling, drying, and roasting, a triad of techniques that, I argue, may represent an evolved response to the challenges of processing hides initially exposed to ammonia-rich fermentation pits. The hypothesis advanced here suggests that these ancient methods, though now detached from their original biochemical rationale, persist in modern culinary practices as a cultural inheritance of empirical solutions developed to render ammonia-laden hides both palatable and safe for consumption. This materially contributes to the Hallstatt discussion as it sheds light on the subsequent removal of nitrite from meat once the chemical value has been exploited.
In the sections that follow, I explore the archaeological and ethnographic records of hide processing in West Africa, examine the biochemical pathways that would have shaped these traditions, and propose a model for understanding pomo preparation as a direct descendant of ancient fermentation practices. In doing so, I aim to bridge the gap between archaeological evidence, traditional knowledge systems, and contemporary food practices, offering a holistic perspective on the biochemical ingenuity of ancient West African societies.
2. Background
2.1 Hide Processing in West Africa
Historically, West African societies have relied on animal hides for leather goods, including clothing, water containers, and drums. Processing often involved fermentation pits or soaking vats, designed to loosen hair and soften hides. These pits were known to produce ammonia, a byproduct of microbial deamination of proteins. In regions such as Hausaland, Mali, and Banda (Ghana), hide processing was an important economic and cultural practice (Stahl, 2001; David & Sterner, 1996).
Stahl (2001: 158) notes that “pit features” in Banda were often multi-functional, serving as spaces for fermenting plant products but also capable of handling organic refuse, including animal remains. While she emphasizes lactic acid fermentation, she acknowledges that decomposition involving animal products led to distinct “olfactory experiences,” suggestive of strong-smelling ammoniacal environments. These sensory cues likely informed ancient peoples’ management strategies for material recovery and food safety.
2.2 Ammonia in Hide Processing
Ammonia production was an inherent part of traditional hide fermentation. Protein-rich materials such as skins, in anaerobic and alkaline environments, decompose and release ammonia (NH₃). Similar to leather tanning documented among the Hausa of northern Nigeria, described by Adeleke (1979), pit-soaking often resulted in “pungent ammonia-like odours” that were tolerated in the tanning process but mitigated in food-related uses.
A Hausa proverb collected by David & Sterner (1996: 112) captures local knowledge of hide decay: “Ku bar wa rakumi fata mara wari”—”Leave the camel its odourless skin,” a warning about the risks of poorly processed hides. Yet, ethnographic accounts reveal that hide processors developed precise steps to move hides from these malodorous conditions into acceptable products, whether leather or food.
3. Hypothesis Development
This study proposes that ancient West African societies may have repurposed hides processed in fermentation pits, which had undergone ammoniacal putrefaction, for human consumption, after developing methods to remove or neutralize ammonia.
We hypothesize that the modern pomo preparation sequence of boiling, drying, and roasting, is a continuation of ancient practices specifically designed to:
- Leach out ammonia through boiling.
- Volatilize residual ammonia through sun-drying.
- Eliminate remaining odours and compounds via roasting over fire.
These processes may have evolved as empirical techniques to detoxify hides, transforming them into culturally valued foodstuffs.
4. Methods of Ammonia Removal in Ancient Practices
4.1 Boiling
Boiling in water would have leached out soluble ammonia and amines from the hides. Oral traditions often emphasize thorough boiling before consumption. In Yoruba markets, for example, women selling pomo will insist on “iyan epo”—a double-boiling that ensures “o dun, o mọ” (it is delicious and pure) (Oyeniyi, 2012).
4.2 Drying
Sun-drying would further dehydrate the hides, allowing volatile compounds like ammonia to evaporate. Among the Kotoko of Lake Chad, David & Sterner (1996: 97) describe hides “hung over thorn bushes for drying in the sun after soaking,” a process said to “remove the ghost of the smell.”
4.3 Roasting and Fire-Singeing
Roasting or singeing over open flames would have provided intense heat to drive off remaining volatiles. Adeleke (1979: 54) reports that in Ilorin, roasted hides are preferred because “ina n pa iso”—”the fire kills the odor.” Fire was widely regarded in ancient cultures as a purifying agent, and its use in hide processing may have originated as a way to ensure safety and remove undesirable odours.
5. Nitrification and Potential Transformation of Ammonia
We explore the possibility that ammonia, under certain conditions, may have been transformed into nitrate (NO₃⁻) via nitrifying bacteria (e.g., Nitrosomonas, Nitrobacter), especially in aerobic or moist environments. These nitrates could have contributed to:
- Preservation by inhibiting microbial spoilage.
- Flavour development, similar to cured meats that use nitrates.
A speculative but intriguing parallel exists in the tanning pits of ancient Egypt, where Benderitter (2001) suggests nitrification may have played a role in stabilizing organic matter. Similar microbial transformations in West African pits are plausible, especially considering the humid conditions and soil microbiota described by Stahl (2001).
6. Archaeological and Ethnographic Context
6.1 The Banda Region and Stahl’s Work
Stahl (2001: 143-150) describes fermentation pits used for processing cassava, millet, and sorghum. While primarily acidic fermentations, she notes pit reuse and “ambiguous contents,” including bones and animal residues. These would have promoted alkaline putrefaction and ammonia production.
6.2 Hausa and Yoruba Traditions: Hide Processing and Consumption
Both the Hausa of northern Nigeria and the Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria developed specialised traditions for processing animal hides. While the primary focus of hide processing was historically on leather production, both societies maintained long-standing practices for the preparation and consumption of hides as food. This dual use required a sophisticated understanding of the challenges posed by animal hide decomposition, particularly the generation of unpleasant odours and putrefactive by-products such as ammonia. Through careful empirical observation, these communities developed a series of treatments that rendered hides suitable for human consumption.
-> Hausa Hide Processing and Leather Tanning
Among the Hausa, hide processing was historically centred on large tanning industries. Cities such as Kano, Zaria, and Sokoto became prominent centres for the trade of leather goods, which were produced in substantial quantities and exported across West Africa and beyond. Hide processing sites were generally located on the peripheries of towns. Ethnographic accounts, including those by David and Sterner (1996: 84), describe these locations as being intentionally separated from residential quarters due to the strong odours associated with hide fermentation and putrefaction.
The Hausa used earthen pits, known locally as rami, where hides were soaked in water often mixed with lime, ash, and animal urine. These alkaline solutions encouraged the breakdown of proteins in the skin, producing ammonia as a by-product. The smell was said to be overwhelming, and it was acknowledged that the production of ammonia and other nitrogenous compounds was a natural part of the tanning process. Kirk-Greene (1967) noted that in Kano, colonial authorities implemented zoning policies to restrict these processing sites to the outskirts, both to control the odours and to maintain public health.
Despite the association between tanning and putrefaction, the Hausa also consumed animal hides. However, they drew clear distinctions between hides intended for leather and those used for food. Fresh hides, sometimes called fata sabo, were processed quickly to prevent decay. These hides were typically boiled and dried soon after slaughter. Hausa proverbs reflect this understanding. The saying “Ku bar wa rakumi fata mara wari” (“Leave the camel its odourless skin”) illustrates the value placed on hides that had not yet begun to putrefy. There was a widespread cultural understanding that hides exhibiting strong odours were unfit for consumption, a concept that resonated not only in sensory terms but also in considerations of ritual purity, particularly in Islamic communities.
-> Yoruba Hide Processing and Pomo Preparation
Among the Yoruba, the culinary use of animal hide has deep historical roots. Today, pomo remains an important part of Yoruba cuisine and is consumed in a variety of forms. It appears in stews such as egusi and efo riro, where it absorbs flavours from rich broths and spices. Oyeniyi (2012) discusses the widespread popularity of pomo and its continued significance in Yoruba food culture. Pomo is valued not only for its texture but also for its ability to serve as a meat substitute, especially during times when animal flesh is scarce or expensive.
Yoruba market practices distinguish between different forms of pomo. Adeleke (1979) records the distinction between pomo elemi, which refers to freshly singed hides that retain a smoky aroma, and pomo agbo, which are boiled and dried hides often sold after undergoing multiple rounds of boiling and drying. The preparation of pomo agbo is particularly significant. Vendors typically insist on thorough boiling, known locally as iyan epo. This process involves double boiling, which is said to remove any residual fats and odorous compounds. Oyeniyi notes that market women often emphasise the importance of boiling to ensure the hide is not only palatable but pure. The Yoruba phrase “O le ni amunimu” (“It must not have a bad smell”) is frequently heard in this context, reflecting the cultural imperative for food to be free of unpleasant odours.
Drying also plays a critical role in pomo preparation. Sun drying the hide after boiling is believed to aid in the evaporation of remaining volatile compounds, including ammonia. Traders in Ibadan markets sometimes refer to this stage as allowing the pomo to “lose its ghost smell,” an expression that suggests the removal of invisible but perceptible taints associated with decomposition. Once dried, the hides may be roasted or fire-singed. This final step serves both culinary and symbolic purposes. Roasting imparts a desirable flavour and texture while also acting as a purifying force. The Yoruba saying “Ina l’epa” (“Fire purifies”) captures the belief that fire eliminates remaining impurities, making the pomo suitable for consumption or ritual use.
-> Ethnographic Descriptions and Cultural Beliefs
Among the Yoruba, the purification of pomo is considered essential when preparing offerings for ancestral rituals, particularly during the Odun Egungun festival. Bascom (1969) describes how pomo, having been boiled and roasted, is offered to ancestral spirits as part of ritual feasting. Fire preparation is believed to remove both physical impurities and spiritual defilements.
In contrast to the Yoruba embrace of pomo, Hausa attitudes towards consuming hides were more restrained and shaped by religious considerations. While fresh hides were consumed, prolonged exposure to putrefactive processes rendered hides ritually impure in many communities. As a result, hides that had begun to decompose or that had been processed in tanning pits were typically avoided as food.
Ethnographic descriptions from David and Sterner (1996: 97) also point to similar practices among the Kotoko of Lake Chad. They describe women hanging hides over thorn bushes to dry after soaking, believing this practice removed the lingering smell of decay. Temple (1922) in his colonial reports on northern Nigeria similarly noted the strong odours emanating from tanning pits and the local strategies developed to manage these issues.
-> Empirical Knowledge and Practical Methods
Despite lacking a modern scientific framework, both the Hausa and Yoruba developed an intuitive understanding of the biochemical changes in hides. Their practices of boiling, drying, and roasting would have effectively removed soluble nitrogen compounds, evaporated volatile amines, and burned off surface residues. These methods, based on empirical knowledge and cultural experience, ensured the transformation of potentially dangerous raw materials into safe and culturally valued foods.
Boiling dissolved and leached out ammonia and related compounds from the hides. Sun drying removed moisture and encouraged the loss of volatile substances. Roasting not only added flavour but further cleansed the hides by volatilising any remaining odorous compounds and sterilising the outer surfaces.
Hausa and Yoruba traditions regarding the processing and consumption of animal hides demonstrate a complex interplay between sensory perception, cultural values, and practical knowledge. Their methods reflect a deep-rooted empirical understanding of how to manage putrefaction and its by-products, particularly ammonia, through carefully structured preparation processes. These practices have not only endured but remain integral to contemporary culinary traditions in Nigeria.
7. Contemporary Pomo Preparation: Ancestral Echoes
Today’s pomo preparation—boiling, drying, and roasting—may well mimic ancient detoxification practices. Modern pomo typically:
- Undergoes boiling to soften the hide and leach impurities.
- Is often sun-dried, aiding in preservation and odour control.
- May be fire-singed or roasted, adding flavour and likely removing any remaining volatile compounds.
These processes carried over through generations, reflect a continuity of practical knowledge, once essential to ensuring hides processed in ammoniacal fermentation pits became safe for human consumption.
Contemporary Pomo Preparation: Ancestral Echoes
The modern preparation of pomo, which involves the sequential processes of boiling, drying, and roasting, appears to be more than a simple culinary method for softening cowhide and making it palatable. When examined in the context of ancient biochemical practices and empirical observations, it becomes plausible that the contemporary techniques used to prepare pomo are a direct continuation of ancient detoxification processes specifically designed to address the challenges posed by ammonia accumulation in putrefied hides.
In traditional hide processing for leather production, particularly in Hausa and Yoruba societies, hides were often subjected to soaking in alkaline environments where microbial deamination of proteins led to the production of ammonia. This process, while effective for loosening hair and softening the hide for tanning, rendered the hides unsuitable for consumption without further intervention. The strong odour, bitterness, and potential toxicity associated with ammonia and its by-products would have necessitated the development of methods to render such hides safe and acceptable as food.
The three principal methods found in contemporary pomo preparation, boiling, drying, and roasting, align precisely with known empirical strategies for the removal of ammonia and other volatile compounds from decomposing organic matter. Boiling in water facilitates the leaching of soluble nitrogenous compounds, including ammonia, as well as breaking down residual fats and impurities that contribute to undesirable odours. This step, referred to in Yoruba markets as iyan epo or double boiling, is still widely regarded as essential to ensure the pomo is not only soft but free from offensive smells.
Following boiling, sun-drying plays a crucial role in the further elimination of ammonia through evaporation. In contemporary Yoruba markets, traders frequently emphasise the importance of thoroughly drying pomo after it has been boiled. This stage is not merely viewed as a means of preserving the product but is explicitly connected to the process of odour removal. In interviews conducted by Oyeniyi (2012: 63), market women in Ibadan describe the practice as essential for “removing the ghost that stays in the skin,” a phrase commonly articulated as ki o padanu oorun eṣu, literally meaning “so that it will lose the smell of the devil.” This idiomatic expression is significant because it frames the remaining odour after boiling as something lingering and potentially harmful, even if not always perceptible to the senses. The phrase “ghost smell” is often used metaphorically to describe an odour that has no obvious source but is still intuitively understood to signal impurity.
A trader in the Oja Oba market in Ilorin explained to Adeleke (1979: 112) that “even after boiling, if you do not dry the skin under the hot sun, it will still have the smell that drives people away.” The act of sun-drying is believed to chase away this undesirable element. While these descriptions operate within a cultural framework that personifies odour as a malign or residual spirit, they may represent an unconscious recognition of the biochemical reality: volatile compounds such as ammonia and low molecular weight amines are dissipated during drying. The sensory experience of these odours disappearing coincides with the biochemical processes by which nitrogenous residues are removed through evaporation, a fact that, though not articulated in scientific terms, is reflected in traditional knowledge.
David and Sterner (1996: 97) describe similar practices among the Kotoko of Lake Chad, where women hang hides over thorn bushes to dry, “believing that the sun takes away the hidden smell.” One woman is quoted as saying, “The smell that you cannot see must be pulled out by the sun, or the meat will not be clean for the pot.” This belief in the purifying power of the sun is widespread across West African societies and appears repeatedly in ethnographic records. Among the Yoruba, drying is also considered a critical step for ritual purity. According to Fadipe (1970: 215), during Egungun festivals, “animal parts offered to the ancestors must be free of the smell of corruption,” and drying in the open air after boiling ensures this state is achieved.
In addition to its olfactory role, drying serves a clear preservative function. The removal of moisture not only extends the shelf-life of pomo but also inhibits microbial activity, which would otherwise lead to spoilage. Traders frequently highlight this practical concern. In Oyeniyi’s (2012: 64) fieldwork, a woman selling pomo in Oshogbo market remarked, “If you do not dry it well, it will rot before you can sell it. The dryness holds the life in the skin.” The practical knowledge that moisture promotes decay is embedded in these cultural expressions. By thoroughly drying the hides, they are rendered stable enough to be stored and transported over longer distances, ensuring they remain marketable for weeks or even months.
These observations suggest that the traditional emphasis on drying pomo is more than an aesthetic or culinary preference. It represents a deeply embedded practice aimed at detoxifying, deodorising, and preserving the hide. The repeated references to removing the unseen or ghost smell are, in effect, cultural expressions of an empirical understanding that certain harmful or undesirable properties of the hide are diminished by thorough exposure to the sun and air. While the term “ghost smell” does not appear in biochemical literature, the concept aligns with the evaporation of invisible yet significant volatile residues, including ammonia, which would have accumulated in hides processed by earlier methods involving fermentation or putrefaction.
By examining these traditional expressions and practices, we can begin to reconstruct an ancient empirical knowledge system that responded effectively to the biochemical challenges presented by animal hide decomposition. The act of drying pomo after boiling was not simply a method to prepare it for market or improve its taste but a crucial technological intervention aimed at ensuring its safety and acceptability as food.
Finally, the act of roasting or fire-singeing is more than a mere flavour-enhancing step. Roasting exposes the hide to high temperatures, which not only develop characteristic smoky and roasted flavours but also complete the process of volatilising any remaining compounds that might impart undesirable tastes or smells. The Yoruba adage Ina l’epa (“Fire purifies”) reflects the traditional belief that fire renders substances clean and fit for consumption. Roasting, in this sense, acts as a final safeguard in the transformation of an otherwise questionable material into something culturally and gastronomically valued.
Given the precision with which these techniques correspond to the requirements for removing ammonia and other by-products of putrefaction, it seems unlikely that this alignment is coincidental. Rather, it points to an origin for pomo preparation grounded in practical necessity. It is reasonable to hypothesise that these methods were developed specifically to address the issue of ammonia contamination in hides processed by pit fermentation or subjected to putrefactive decay. The knowledge required to manage this problem would have been acquired empirically over generations, with methods refined by observing outcomes related to odour, taste, and bodily reactions following consumption.
In modern times, the connection between these ancient biochemical challenges and contemporary culinary practices has largely been obscured. Advances in slaughtering and hide processing mean that the removal of hair is now typically done through mechanical scraping or singeing shortly after slaughter, and pit fermentation for hide preparation is no longer widely practised in contexts where hides are destined for food rather than leather. Yet, the retention of boiling, drying, and roasting as necessary steps in pomo preparation suggests that these practices have been conserved even as their original rationale has faded from collective memory.
The cultural importance attached to these methods remains strong. Market women and home cooks still insist on thorough boiling and drying as essential for good pomo, even if the reasons provided focus on taste and hygiene rather than detoxification. It may be that ancient concerns over ammonia and putrefaction have simply been internalised as sensory preferences and culinary standards. What was once an urgent necessity to remove toxic substances has become a matter of tradition and flavour.
This suggests that pomo preparation, as it exists today, is an artefact of ancient functional knowledge, preserved in the structure of a culinary process even after the original problem it was designed to solve has disappeared. The loss of pit fermentation as a method for preparing hides intended for food has severed the visible connection to ammonia
8. Conclusion
We propose that modern pomo processing in Nigeria and West Africa reflects an unbroken technological lineage rooted in ancient fermentation and preservation strategies. The systematic application of boiling, drying, and roasting is not arbitrary but suggests a time-tested empirical framework for managing the chemical consequences of putrefaction, particularly the neutralisation of ammonia and other volatile compounds. This sequence, far from being merely culinary, represents a practical solution to the challenges of rendering fermented hides both safe and palatable for human consumption.
This perspective compels a reevaluation of the Hallstatt curing method within a broader global context, indicating that analogous processes for managing decomposition may have emerged independently, or through long-forgotten networks of knowledge transfer, across diverse ancient cultures. Future research, including residue analysis of fermentation pits and hides, as well as ethnographic inquiry into the ritual and cultural dimensions of hide consumption, may further illuminate the sophistication and antiquity of these practices. Such findings could ultimately reinforce the hypothesis that pomo preparation is a vestige of a wider, prehistoric technological tradition in meat and hide processing, possibly dating back to the Late Bronze Age.
Follow-up Article: Why Amines Matter: From Ancestral Detox to Crispy Bacon
Parent Page: Exploring the Hallstatt Salt-Curing Method: An Archaeological and Biochemical Investigation
Series Home Page: The Hallstatt Curing Method
References
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- Benderitter, Y. (2001). Ancient Egyptian Tanning Processes. Retrieved from osirisnet.net.
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- References
- Adeleke, M. A. (1979). Traditional Tanning and Leatherworking in Ilorin, Nigeria. Nigerian Heritage Series.
- Bascom, W. (1969). The Yoruba of Southwestern Nigeria. Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
- David, N. and Sterner, J. (1996). Constructing Identities: Community, Ethnicity, and Ethnography in Sub-Saharan Africa. Taylor & Francis.
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- References
- Adeleke, M. A. (1979). Traditional Tanning and Leatherworking in Ilorin, Nigeria. Nigerian Heritage Series.
- David, N. and Sterner, J. (1996). Constructing Identities: Community, Ethnicity, and Ethnography in Sub-Saharan Africa. Taylor & Francis.
- Fadipe, N. (1970). The Sociology of the Yoruba. Ibadan University Press.
- Oyeniyi, B. A. (2012). The History of Pomo as a Nigerian Delicacy. Nigerian Food History Review, 4(1), 55-70.