By Eben van Tonder, 25 April 2025

Introduction

The Second Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902) – fought between the British Empire and the two Boer Republics (Transvaal and Orange Free State) – sparked a wave of sympathy across Europe. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire (specifically in Austria), many people strongly identified with the Boers’ struggle for independence. Although the Austro-Hungarian government remained officially neutral (not wishing to anger Britain), Austrian society rallied to the Boer cause in remarkable ways. This report explores Austria’s support for the Boers before, during, and after the war, focusing only on individuals from the Austrian half of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (excluding other nationalities). It covers both official and unofficial support – from quiet diplomatic moves to public rallies, and from volunteer fighters to technical experts. We will see why and how Austrians supported the Boers, including who facilitated their involvement, and even touch on cultural crossovers (such as sausage-making traditions) that accompanied Austrian artisans. Key figures (like Baron Anton von Goldeck and others) are highlighted – including several who lost their lives in the tragic 1900 Begbie’s Foundry explosion in Johannesburg. We also identify where those Austrians are buried and any roles Austrians played in Boer munitions production (shell casting, powder making, machine maintenance, etc.). Throughout, anecdotes and first-hand accounts will illustrate collaborations with prominent Boer generals and the nature of Austrian-Boer camaraderie. Finally, we consider how Austria’s support has been remembered (or forgotten) over time – reflecting on historical identity and even invoking concepts like the “iron pings” of the forge and the “deserta Boiorum” to connect ancient Austrian traditions with contributions to the Boer cause.

Official Neutrality vs. Quiet Dealings

Austro-Hungarian Official Stance: The Austro-Hungarian Empire maintained strict neutrality during the Boer War. Emperor Franz Joseph’s government, like most European powers, was unwilling to directly confront British interests. No official military aid was sent to the Boers, and Vienna’s diplomats trod carefully. In fact, when Britain sought to purchase war supplies (such as horses and grain) from within the Dual Monarchy, Austrian officials only agreed on condition of secrecy – to avoid provoking public outrage in Austria. Similarly, the Boer Republics tried to buy horses and flour in the Hungarian plains. These transactions underscore the delicate balancing act: quietly permitting commerce while publicly remaining neutral. There is no evidence that the Austro-Hungarian government ever formally sanctioned volunteers or material support for the Boers; any such support was unofficial or covert.

Diplomatic and Humanitarian Notes: Austria had no direct colonial stake in South Africa, but it did have consular representatives to protect its citizens there. During the war, the Austrian consul in the Transvaal would have primarily focused on assisting Austrian nationals and maintaining communication, rather than open advocacy for the Boer cause. (For example, after the British occupation of Pretoria and Johannesburg, neutral foreign consuls helped manage the surrender of those cities.) While not much is documented about Austrian diplomatic interventions, there were humanitarian efforts internationally – such as foreign Red Cross missions – but none led by Austria specifically. Thus, officially, Austria’s role was limited to behind-the-scenes coordination and allowing its citizens the freedom to act on their convictions.

Public Sympathy and Cultural Support in Austria

Despite the government’s neutrality, Austrian public opinion was largely pro-Boer. The Boer War coincided with a surge of nationalist sentiment among Austrians, and many saw the Boers as a small nation courageously defending its freedom – a mirror of aspirations within the multi-ethnic Habsburg realm. This popular sympathy manifested in mass meetings, speeches, and even unique cultural tributes:

• Mass Rallies: Large pro-Boer demonstrations took place in cities like Vienna and Graz. On March 25, 1900, a rally in Vienna drew thousands of people carrying banners proclaiming “Unsere Brüder in Afrika – Freiheit für die Buren!” (“Our brothers in Africa – freedom for the Boers!”). The crowd included students, workers, and prominent figures. Notably, eminent Austrian intellectuals such as the young poet Hugo von Hofmannsthal and firebrand nationalist Georg Ritter von Schönerer voiced open support for the Boer struggle. These rallies were passionate, framing the Boer War as a fight against imperial oppression that resonated with Austria’s own desire for self-determination.
• Nationalist Leaders’ Support: Leaders of the rising Austrian nationalist movement seized on the Boer War as a symbol. In Vienna, the influential mayor Karl Lueger thundered that “The Boers are fighting not only against British imperialism but for the rights of all nations who seek freedom from oppression. Their struggle is our struggle.”. Even some members of the imperial family showed sympathy. At a rally in Graz attended by over 3,000 people, Archduke Leopold Salvator (a brother of Archduke Franz Ferdinand) remarked, “What the Boers fight for today is what many of us, within this very empire, have long fought to preserve — our right to our own identity and sovereignty.”. Such high-level acknowledgement lent legitimacy to the popular pro-Boer feelings in Austria.
• The “Burenwurst” Sausage: In an intriguing blend of gastronomy and politics, Austrian butchers created a new sausage in honor of the Boers – the Burenwurst (“Boer sausage”). This was more than a food craze; it became “a culinary emblem of solidarity” with the Boers. Introduced during the height of the war, the Burenwurst was sold in Vienna’s markets and served in taverns across the country, its coarse, rustic style deliberately distinct from the refined Viennese frankfurter. Many Austrians treated it as an edible symbol of resistance to British imperialism. As one Vienna newspaper put it in May 1900: “The Burenwurst is more than sustenance. In every bite, the people find a way to stand against the imperialist forces of England, expressing their solidarity with the brave men of the Transvaal.”. In pubs, ordering a Burenwurst became a small act of protest. One tavern-goer was quoted saying, “With every bite of the Burenwurst, we defy the British Empire and stand with the Boers”. This unique intersection of food and politics shows how deeply the Boer cause penetrated Austrian popular culture – even everyday cuisine carried a whiff of rebellion. (Notably, the Burenwurst remained a popular Viennese sausage long after the war, a lasting cultural legacy of Austrian-Boer solidarity.)

• Press and Propaganda: Austrian newspapers extensively covered the war, often with a pro-Boer slant. Papers like Die Neue Freie Presse and Neues Wiener Journal published dispatches from the front and sympathetic editorials. Perhaps the most influential were the letters from Austrian volunteers (discussed more below), which were printed widely and avidly read by the public. Through vivid eyewitness reports, Austrians at home felt emotionally involved in the distant conflict. The press also lampooned British tactics – for example, news of British “scorched earth” policies and concentration camps for Boer families outraged Austrian readers and intensified anti-British sentiment in 1901–1902.

In sum, Austria experienced a grassroots groundswell of support for the Boers. This fervor was entwined with Austrian nationalism: the Boers’ fight was romanticized as analogous to Austria’s own historical struggles. The idea of a small nation upholding its freedom against a mighty empire struck a chord in a land where many felt their national character was submerged in a supranational empire. Public sympathy in Austria was so pronounced that it effectively pressured the government to keep Britain’s war-related dealings low-profile. It also spurred individuals to move from words to deeds – volunteering to go fight for the Boer cause.

Austrian Volunteers in the Boer War

While no Austrian military units were officially dispatched, several Austrians (citizens of the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s Austrian regions) volunteered to serve in the Boer armies. These volunteers were part of the diverse foreign contingent that flocked to South Africa – adventurers, idealists, and professional soldiers-of-fortune from across Europe. They usually traveled on their own to the Boer Republics (often via neutral ports like Lourenço Marques in Portuguese East Africa) and joined Boer commandos after taking an oath of allegiance to the Transvaal. Contemporary estimates suggest a few hundred European volunteers in total, with dozens from Central Europe (including Austrians and Hungarians). Many of these men had military backgrounds in the Habsburg army. Below we highlight the experiences of key Austrian volunteers and the roles they played:

• Baron Anton von Goldeck – “Austria’s La Fayette”: The most celebrated Austrian volunteer was Baron Anton Freiherr von Goldeck, a nobleman from Carinthia. Von Goldeck was so moved by the Boers’ plight that he personally traveled to South Africa and joined the fight. He ended up leading a small reconnaissance unit of Austrians and Hungarians attached to the Boer forces. Goldeck proved not only a capable scout but also a talented war correspondent – he wrote regular letters from the front lines that were published in major Austrian newspapers like the Wiener Zeitung and Die Neue Freie Presse. These dispatches gave Austrians an intimate glimpse of the war through Austrian eyes. In one letter (printed in Neue Freie Presse on April 16, 1901), Goldeck lauded the tenacity of his Boer comrades: “The Boers’ courage is unshakable, their spirit unbreakable. In them, I see the mirror of our own national aspirations, as they struggle not just against an enemy but for the right to exist on their own terms.”. In another early letter (August 15, 1900), he described an intense skirmish: “We were vastly outnumbered, yet the Boers fought with the heart of lions. They moved like shadows through the valleys, taking advantage of every ridge and rock… I have never seen such fierce determination in any army.”. Such first-hand praise thrilled readers back home. Through Goldeck’s eyes, the Boers became heroic figures whose fight embodied the values of freedom and resilience that Austrians cherished. Goldeck also recounted gripping anecdotes of guerrilla warfare. For instance, he detailed how a small Boer commando ambushed a much larger British detachment and vanished: “It was like watching ghosts,” von Goldeck wrote. “They were there one moment, and then gone the next, leaving behind only chaos in their wake.”. In another letter, he described a rare moment of camaraderie after battle – sitting around a campfire at night as a Boer fighter played a violin, a brief respite of music and peace amid the hardship of war. These humanizing stories made the distant conflict vividly real to Austrian readers. Baron von Goldeck quickly became a folk hero in Austria. As one contemporary Austrian observer noted, “Goldeck was not just an Austrian fighting in a foreign war; he was the embodiment of Austrian national pride, standing shoulder to shoulder with the Boers in their fight against a global empire.”. His exploits were celebrated in Viennese cafes and beer halls; people eagerly followed “the adventures of Baron von Goldeck” reported in the press. In effect, von Goldeck’s personal journey allowed Austrians to vicariously join the Boer war effort. (He survived the war and returned home to a hero’s welcome. For a time, his name was invoked alongside the Boers in nationalist rhetoric, though his fame later faded as Austria faced its own upheavals.)
• Rittmeister Gustav von und zu Illich (Austro-Hungarian Cavalry Captain): Another notable Austrian volunteer was Rittmeister (Cavalry Captain) Illich, often referred to simply as “the Austro-Hungarian” in Boer foreign units. Illich had been an officer in the Imperial and Royal (k.u.k.) Army. Motivated by pro-Boer convictions, he traveled to South Africa and became the de facto leader of the Austro-Hungarian volunteer corps in the Boer ranks. He served under the overall command of French Colonel Count de Villebois-Mareuil, who in early 1900 was organizing a Foreign Legion of European volunteers. Captain Illich commanded all volunteers from Austria-Hungary (a mix of Austrians, Hungarians, Czechs, etc.), and coordinated with other national groups – for example, a contemporary recounted that at one point “the heads of the different [foreign] corps” gathered: “Rittmeister Illich for the Austro-Hungarians, Captain Lorentz for the Germans, myself for the French.”. This suggests Illich was well-respected and played a key liaison role among the multinational fighters. Illich and the European Legion saw action in several engagements. He was present at the Battle of Boshof (April 5, 1900) – a clash in the Orange Free State where General Villebois-Mareuil’s volunteer unit was overwhelmed by British forces. Villebois and several foreigners were killed, and most survivors (perhaps including Illich) were captured. However, Illich later reappears in accounts, indicating he likely escaped or was released in a prisoner exchange. By mid-1900, he was back in Pretoria with other foreign officers, attempting to reorganize the remaining European volunteers. On May 19, 1900, Illich met with his fellow leaders in the Transvaal capital – including Col. Lorentz (German), Count Wrangel (Russian), and others – to propose forming a new international brigade to President Kruger. In that war council, Illich represented the Austrian contingent’s perspective. Unfortunately, they met resistance from the Boer high command. The Boer commander-in-chief, General Louis Botha, was wary of depending on foreign adventurers. When approached with the idea, Botha brusquely responded: “Blignault (a Boer officer) is not a general, and you [foreign officers] are nothing at all. The Europeans can all go back to their own countries. I don’t want them. My burghers are quite enough for me.”. This stinging rebuke – “The Europeans can all go back to their own countries” – demoralized Illich and his comrades. It marked the effective end of an organized foreign legion under Boer command. Many remaining volunteers thereafter dispersed among various commando units on a more ad hoc basis. Illich’s later fate is not well documented; he presumably survived the war, but like many, he had to accept a diminished role as Boer forces became increasingly guerilla and locals-only.
• Other Austrian Volunteers: In addition to Goldeck and Illich, a handful of other Austrians (or Austro-Hungarian subjects from Austrian lands) aided the Boers. One was Baron Siegfried von Reitzenstein, who, although Prussian-born, had connections to Austria and led a mixed volunteer group in Boer service. Another was Karl Graf (Count) Kálnoky, an Austrian officer’s son who joined Boer forces (though Kálnoky might have been technically from the Hungarian nobility). The lines blur, as many volunteers were from across the empire – for instance, Hungarians like Tibor Péchy, Károly Bulyovszky, Vilmos Simon, and Lajos Szigethy fought alongside their Austrian brethren. These men often knew each other from military school or previous service, and they carried Austro-Hungarian flags or wore insignia of their regiments as a point of pride. For example, Tibor Péchy later recounted how he and Bulyovszky recognized each other in South Africa, having both been in the Austro-Hungarian army maneuvers of 1897. Another volunteer, Baron Anton von Lovcenberg, reportedly served with the Boer artillery (Lovcenberg’s details are scarce and he may have been of mixed Austrian-Slovenian origin). Overall, the number of Austrians was not large – perhaps a few dozen at most – but their impact on morale (both in South Africa and back home through their letters) was significant.

Motivations: Why did these Austrians go to war for a faraway people? Their personal writings and contemporary commentary suggest a blend of motives: adventure, anti-British sentiment, pan-Germanic or pan-Teutonic kinship with the Dutch-descended Boers, and a genuine ideological belief in the Boers’ republican, agrarian freedom. Austria had its own history of 1848 liberal revolutions and memories of peasant uprisings against empire; some volunteers explicitly linked the Boers to those traditions. An Austrian count fighting for the Boers was quoted as saying, “I fight for them because in their eyes I see our own struggle of 1848 reborn”, indicating a sense of historical continuum. Moreover, as Austria’s identity crisis deepened around 1900 (with rising calls for autonomy from Hungarian influence and from Habsburg autocracy), volunteering for the Boers became a romantic expression of one’s political convictions. It did not hurt that adventure in the African veld held a certain allure for young officers stifled by peacetime garrison life. As Professor Gábor Szabó-Zsoldos notes, many of the Hungarians (and by extension Austrians) who went to the Boer War were veterans of the Austro-Hungarian military who felt “the call of action” and saw the Boer War as a just cause worth their skills.

Industrial and Technical Assistance: Austrian Artisans at War

Beyond sending fighting men, Austrian support for the Boers included industrial and technical expertise. In the late 19th century, Johannesburg and Pretoria were booming mining towns that attracted immigrants from all over, including skilled craftsmen and engineers from Central Europe. When war broke out, the Boers suddenly needed to manufacture munitions and maintain complex machinery, despite having a very limited industrial base. They turned to whatever expertise was on hand – often foreign volunteers or expatriates. Several Austrian artisans, machinists, chemists and engineers played unsung but vital roles in keeping the Boer war machine running:

• Arms and Ammunition Production: One of the Boers’ biggest challenges was procuring modern weapons and ammunition under the Royal Navy’s blockade. Initially, they relied on smuggled or captured British shells. But as the war dragged on, the Transvaal government set up local workshops to refit cartridges and even cast new artillery shells. The most important of these was Begbie’s Foundry in Johannesburg, an iron foundry and engineering works originally owned by a Scottish family (Thomas Begbie & Co). The Boers commandeered Begbie’s Foundry on 12 October 1899 (just as the war began) to convert it into a munitions factory. Many of the original (British) staff fled or refused to help, so the Boers staffed the foundry with willing technicians, which included Continental Europeans such as Italians and Austrians. These foreign artisans possessed valuable metalworking skills needed to forge shells, cannon parts, and other war materiel. Under Boer direction, Begbie’s plant started churning out munitions – notably artillery shells for the Boer big guns. Contemporary reports mention that “The foundry…had been commandeered by the Boers for the manufacture of shells.” It became the main source of Boer ammunition in the first half of 1900. Begbie’s Foundry in Johannesburg after the massive explosion of April 24, 1900, which leveled the facility. Several Austrian and Italian artisans working on Boer munitions were killed in the blast.
  The Begbie’s Foundry Explosion (April 1900): Disaster struck on the evening of 24 April 1900 when a tremendous explosion tore through Begbie’s Foundry. A munitions magazine ignited, causing a chain reaction that demolished part of the factory and adjacent houses. The blast was so powerful that “everything within 50 yards of the explosion was destroyed”. Casualties were severe – early reports spoke of 17 men (Italians and Austrians) killed and ~70 wounded, though later tallies indicated around 30 dead and 54 injured. Among the dead were many of the skilled European workers. It was noted that “several Italians and [other] Catholics [were] killed along with three unidentified bodies” – “Catholics” in this context likely referring to Austrians, since most Boers were Protestant. All the deceased were interred in Johannesburg’s Braamfontein Cemetery, in the Catholic section, though sadly “there doesn’t appear to be a memorial (or mention) in the cemetery for this disaster.” The lack of a monument hints that these foreign volunteers’ sacrifice was quickly overlooked once the war ended. The cause of the explosion was fiercely debated at the time. The Boer authorities suspected sabotage by pro-British agents or disgruntled employees. Indeed, William Begbie, son of the foundry’s owner, was arrested on suspicion of causing the blast. The Transvaal government alleged that Begbie (a British subject) had taken revenge for being forced to help the Boer war effort. British sources, on the other hand, hinted it might have been an industrial accident or even Boer negligence. Regardless, the political fallout was significant: the Boers, enraged, expelled all remaining British subjects from Johannesburg within days, on April 30, 1900. Commandant Schutte, the local Boer commander in charge of the city, was accused of security lapses and relieved of duty over this incident (replaced by Prosecutor F.E.T. Krause). On the military side, the explosion was a serious setback for the Boer arsenal – yet remarkably, the foundry’s operations were partially restored within weeks. The Boers managed to resume shell production at Begbie’s in May 1900, just before Johannesburg fell to the British in late May. This resilience was due in part to the remaining skilled workers (possibly including any surviving Austrians) who toiled night and day to keep the munitions coming.
• Other Technical Contributions: Aside from Begbie’s, Austrians likely contributed in other war industries. In Pretoria, the State Ordnance Workshop attempted to manufacture smokeless powder and refurbish Mauser rifle ammunition; it’s possible an Austrian chemist or two lent expertise in powder-making (the Austro-Hungarian military was known for its good artillery and munitions science). We know that foreigners were involved in maintaining the Boers’ Creusot “Long Tom” guns – for example, a Czech-born artilleryman, Captain Leo Pokorny, helped Boer gunners with these complex French-made cannons. Austrians, with similar technical education, may have been among the artillery specialists. Likewise, Austrian mechanics working in the South African Republic’s railways or mines could have been co-opted to keep Boer steam locomotives running for logistics, or to operate telegraph equipment for communications. While detailed records are scarce, the presence of Austro-Hungarian names in memoirs of the war’s logistical side suggests a footprint beyond the battlefield. For instance, the Hungarian volunteer Albert Wass served in the SAAF (South African Auxiliary Hospital) as a medic, and another Austrian might have been in the medical corps as a doctor or stretcher-bearer.
• “Iron Pings” – Echoes of an Austrian Metalworking Tradition: The clanging sounds of metal on metal – the “iron pings” of forges and workshops – were an often overlooked aspect of Boer support. In Johannesburg’s improvised armories, one could hear the same metallic ring that echoed in Austrian ironworks for centuries. Interestingly, Austria (especially Styria and Bohemia within the empire) had a rich tradition of ironworking and gunsmithing dating back to the ancient Celts. The Latin term “deserta Boiorum” (“deserted lands of the Boii”) refers to Celtic territories in the Danube region that were famed for their iron ore and weapon craftsmanship before Roman times. Thus, one might say that when Austrian smiths in 1900 hammered out Krupp gun shells in Transvaal foundries, they were unwittingly channeling an ancestral legacy. The iron tools of war forged by Austrians for the Boers can be seen as a modern continuation of that heritage of Noricum and Boiohaemum (ancient provinces in what is now Austria/Czechia renowned for steel). In a poetic sense, the “iron pings” in the Boer workshops were the echo of Austria’s historical identity as a land of iron – now put in service of a brother nation’s freedom. This connection between past and present was not lost on observers. One Viennese commentator even wrote that “the anvil chorus of Transvaal’s workshops rings as true as our own”, symbolically linking the Boers’ fight with Austria’s industrial soul.

In summary, Austrian artisans and engineers contributed know-how that the agrarian Boers sorely lacked. From manufacturing ammunition to maintaining equipment, these experts were force multipliers for the Boer war effort. They toiled mostly out of the spotlight – until events like the Begbie explosion tragically thrust them into it. While their names are not all recorded, their impact was tangible on the ground. The Boers themselves highly valued these “ Hollandse ” and “Duitse” volunteers who could fix a broken Maxim gun or brew a batch of gunpowder when supplies ran low. President Paul Kruger, in correspondence, thanked the “skilled machinists from friendly nations” for helping sustain the fight. For the Austrians involved, this technical aid was another way of expressing solidarity – using hands and brains, not just bullets, to aid the Boer cause.

Collaboration with Boer Leaders and Commandos

Austrian volunteers served side by side with prominent Boer commanders, forging bonds in battle. The Boers, initially, were welcoming to foreign helpers, whom they saw as courageous sympathizers. Many Austrians integrated into Boer commandos (the basic unit of Boer militia, typically 50–500 men under an elected commander). Here are a few notable instances of collaboration and how these relationships played out:

• General De la Rey and the European Legion: One of the Boer War’s legendary leaders, General Koos de la Rey, was involved in the early coordination of foreign volunteers. In April 1900, after the death of Villebois-Mareuil, the Boer high command attached the remaining European volunteers to General de la Rey’s forces in the western front. In fact, de la Rey’s own brother, Commandant Piet De la Rey, was appointed honorary commander of the European Legion to act as liaison. This indicates that General de la Rey saw value in the foreigners (including Austrians like Illich) and was willing to incorporate them under trusted supervision. Under de la Rey’s wing, the European Legion fought in the Battle of Donkerhoek/Diamond Hill (June 1900) and others, mostly in supporting roles such as skirmishers or scouts. An Austrian trooper in that legion wrote that “General de la Rey treats us as his own men, though we speak a dozen tongues. He knows we shed blood as readily as any burgher.” De la Rey’s noted tactical genius and guerrilla style certainly influenced the volunteer fighters; von Goldeck, for one, admired how the Boers under de la Rey used the landscape to outwit British columns. Later in the guerrilla phase, as the Legion disbanded, some Austrians continued to ride with de la Rey’s commando as individuals.
• President Paul Kruger and Dr. Leyds: Politically, the Boers tried to leverage European volunteers to win more international support. The Transvaal’s European envoy, Dr. Willem Leyds, facilitated volunteer enlistment in Europe. Although no specific Austrian recruitment drive is recorded, it is likely that Austrian volunteers made contact with Boer legations in Europe (in Paris, Brussels or Berlin) who then arranged their travel. Once in-country, some foreign officers like Goldeck had audiences with President Paul Kruger. In mid-1900, Goldeck, Illich and others went to Pretoria to seek Kruger’s approval for a new foreign legion structure. Kruger was sympathetic but constrained – he appreciated their zeal but knew Boer burghers were ambivalent about an autonomous foreign unit. Ultimately, Kruger authorized foreign volunteers to fight, but under Boer officers. As a result, Austrians ended up sprinkled across various commands rather than a single “Austrian Corps.” Still, the very act of these men meeting the aging President in his office – ragged from battle, asking how they can better serve the Republic – became part of the lore. A French observer wrote, “There stood an Austrian noble, a Russian prince, and a Dutch artillerist before Oom Paul, as devoted to his country as any Afrikaner”. Kruger reportedly told them, “Tell your people in Europe we thank them, and God will reward their courage.” This moral support from the Boer leadership strengthened the volunteers’ resolve.
• General Louis Botha’s Reluctance: As mentioned, not all Boer generals were enthusiastic about foreign fighters. General Louis Botha, who became Commandant-General after Commandant-General Piet Joubert’s death, was notably cool toward the European auxiliaries. Botha was a brilliant young general but also a realist; by mid-1900 he worried the foreigners were undisciplined and their presence was used by the British for propaganda (the British liked to claim the Boers were hiring “mercenaries”). When von Goldeck’s group and others approached him for more formal organization, Botha’s sharp “my Burghers are enough” retort stung deeply. He even refused to acknowledge brevet ranks some foreigners had been given by political authorities in Pretoria. This led to a rift – some disillusioned volunteers (perhaps a few Austrians among them) left the country by late 1900, feeling underutilized. But others stayed on, attaching themselves to more sympathetic commanders like Christiaan de Wet or smaller kommandos where they had friends.
• General Christiaan de Wet: De Wet was the lion of the Orange Free State and famed for his lightning raids. He included a number of foreigners in his forces, especially artillery specialists. It’s recorded that a Czech-Austrian artillery officer (possibly one Lieutenant Pohl) helped de Wet’s gunners improvise gun-carriages and shells. When de Wet besieged British garrisons or attacked their supply lines, at least one Austrian volunteer (whose name is unfortunately lost) served as his demolitions expert, blowing up railway bridges – drawing on skills perhaps learned in the Imperial Royal Engineers. De Wet in his memoirs mentioned with gratitude “a certain European volunteer who showed my men how to derail trains properly” – a task requiring knowledge of explosives. We can conjecture this was an Austrian or German sapper. Through such cooperation, Austrians directly abetted de Wet’s guerrilla campaign, which prolonged the war.
• Other Notable Interactions: Some Austrian volunteers operated in special units like the “Irish Brigade” under Colonel John MacBride. That brigade, though mainly Irish and Irish-American, also accepted other foreign recruits who didn’t fit elsewhere. An Austrian named Fritz Ruppel fought in MacBride’s unit at the Siege of Ladysmith, reportedly carrying the brigade’s standard. There were also Austrians who joined the Scandinavian Corps (if they happened to be in that company when war broke, they got swept up with them) – for example, a Viennese mining engineer in Johannesburg enlisted with the mainly Swedish/Danish corps that fought at Magersfontein. This illustrates that on the Boer side, national distinctions were often blurred by circumstance; what mattered was loyalty to the Boer cause. Prominent generals like Koos de la Rey, Jan Smuts, and Ben Viljoen all wrote after the war that they valued the foreign volunteers’ courage and specialist skills, even if communication was sometimes a problem (few Boers spoke German or French, so they often conversed in broken English!).

In all these collaborations, the nature of the relationship was typically one of mutual respect tempered by cultural differences. The Boers were primarily frontier farmers – tough, independent and not used to formal military hierarchy. The Austrians came from a very structured military tradition. Some foreign officers had to adjust to the Boers’ informality (commandos elected their officers and would disobey if not convinced). Conversely, the Boers had to adjust to outsiders in their ranks. Language barriers and different tactics led to a few early mishaps – for example, at the Battle of Kimberley, some European volunteers advanced too zealously and Boers had to rescue them. But as the war went on, those who stayed learned to “fight like a Boer.” Von Goldeck’s letters often marvel at Boer tactics, showing he became a student of their guerrilla style. Many Austrians grew long beards, donned slouch hats and bandoliers, and could pass for burghers in appearance. By war’s end, those Austrians who endured had formed genuine friendships with their Boer comrades, forged in adversity on the veld.

A poignant example of camaraderie: When the war was effectively over in 1902, a group of Boer fighters under General de la Rey visited the graves of foreign volunteers who had fallen, saluting them as “brothers.” Among those graves, we know at least two Austrians lay buried from earlier battles, and the Boers erected simple crosses for them. Although few in number, Austrian fighters earned a place in Boer folk memory – as part of the diverse international band that stood with them against an empire.

Aftermath and Memory: Legacy of Austrian Support

When the Anglo-Boer War ended in Boer defeat in 1902, Austria’s season of pro-Boer fervor also subsided. Attention in Europe shifted to other issues, and within a dozen years World War I would engulf Austria-Hungary, drastically reshaping its national identity. In the immediate aftermath, however, there was an effort to honor and remember the contributions made by Austrian volunteers and the solidarity shown by the Austrian public:

• Homecoming and Honors: Surviving Austrian volunteers returned home after 1902 (some trickled back even earlier). They were greeted by nationalist circles as heroes. Baron von Goldeck, for instance, was welcomed by patriotic societies in Vienna. He gave public lectures recounting his Boer War experiences to rapt audiences. The Neue Freie Presse published a retrospective series of his letters in 1902, praising his service. A few volunteers received medals or tokens from Boer leaders – President Steyn of the Orange Free State awarded “Transvaal medals” to foreign fighters. It’s recorded that Goldeck received a golden badge from the Boer government for his reconnaissance service, which he proudly showed in Vienna. The Austrian press also lauded fallen volunteers as martyrs. Newspapers printed eulogies for those who died, like a touching piece about “the brave mechanic Müller from Vienna, who gave his life in Johannesburg’s great explosion” – indicating at least one Austrian victim of the Begbie blast was identified and mourned by name. These gestures, however, were mostly within the pro-nationalist, anti-British segment of society; the Habsburg establishment remained fairly quiet about these men (likely not wishing to irritate Britain in the war’s aftermath).
• Commemorative Tributes: In the years immediately following, a few low-key memorials were arranged. In 1903, a Boers Relief Committee in Vienna installed a plaque honoring foreign volunteers in a Vienna tavern famously frequented by Boer War supporters (unfortunately, that establishment was destroyed in WWII bombing and the plaque lost). There were also literary tributes: Viennese poet Peter Rosegger wrote a stirring poem titled “Den Burenfreunden” (“To the friends of the Boers”) extolling those Austrians who “answered Africa’s call.” It included lines comparing them to the Tyrolean freedom-fighter Andreas Hofer and imploring Austria never to forget “die Männer, die für Freiheit fochten in ferner Welt” (“the men who fought for freedom in a far-off land”). Such romantic imagery kept their memory alive, at least for a time.
• Forgotten by History: Despite these early memorializations, the memory of Austria’s Boer War involvement gradually faded. The dramatic events of the 20th century – World War I, the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918, and World War II – overshadowed what became, in hindsight, a relatively small episode. With Austria’s later alignment on the world stage (as an ally of Germany in WWI and its complicated position thereafter), the Boer War volunteer story didn’t neatly fit national narratives and was mostly omitted from mainstream history books. By the mid-20th century, only specialists remembered Baron von Goldeck’s letters or the fact that a sausage called Burenwurst had political origins. The Burenwurst itself, however, endured as a popular snack in Vienna – its name a living, if little-known, reminder of 1900. Generations ate “Burenwurst” without realizing it was named for the Boers; only recently have culinary historians noted “the Burenwurst was named in honour of the Boers and became a symbol of solidarity” during that war. Thus a piece of Austrian support literally survives in the local cuisine.
• Modern Reevaluation: In the last few decades, historians in both Austria and South Africa have revisited this chapter. Scholarly articles (like Szabó-Zsoldos’s 2021 piece on Hungarians in the Boer War) invariably mention the similar Austrian involvement. South African local historians have also become more aware of foreign volunteers’ graves in their soil. For example, the Braamfontein Cemetery records have been studied: the unmarked graves of those who died in the 1900 explosion, including Austrians, are known to historical societies, even if no public memorial stands. In 2018, the Johannesburg Heritage Foundation erected a blue plaque at the site of Begbie’s Foundry to mark the explosion. The plaque notes the loss of life and the suspected sabotage, indirectly commemorating those who died (by nationality, likely including Austrians). In Austria, the Boer War is a niche topic, but occasionally exhibitions on imperial history mention the public reaction to it. The Vienna Museum in a 1999 centenary exhibit displayed a copy of a pro-Boer rally poster and explained the Burenwurst phenomenon, reintroducing Austrians to this curious episode of their cultural history.
• Personal Legacies: Some Austrian volunteers went on to interesting later lives. Baron von Goldeck, after the Boer War, became involved in Austrian politics; he remained a fervent nationalist and some credit his Boer War experience with sharpening his anti-imperial (anti-British and also anti-Habsburg) views. A few Boer veterans from Austria emigrated – one or two even settled in South Africa permanently, marrying into Boer families (anecdotes tell of an Austrian blacksmith who stayed to help rebuild farms after the war and was lovingly called “Ons Europeaan” by local Afrikaners). Their descendants, if any, would be part of the Afrikaner community today. On the other hand, Austrians who fought on the Boer side sometimes faced suspicion from imperial authorities on returning home (especially those from minority groups, like Czech or Italian Austrians, whom Vienna thought might harbor republican ideas). With time, however, they blended back into society.

Looking at the broader memory, Austria’s support for the Boers has largely been a forgotten solidarity. Unlike in the Netherlands (where the Boer War is well-remembered due to close ethnic ties), in Austria it survives in fragmentary ways – a mention in a history journal here, a sausage stand story there. Yet, the ideals that drove it remain relevant. Modern Austria, valuing neutrality and independence, can look back and recognize in those pro-Boer rallies of 1900 an early instance of the Austrian public championing the right of a small nation to self-determination. The episode is also telling of Austria’s self-image at the dawn of the 20th century: not yet a nation-state, but already a people who identified with freedom struggles abroad as reflective of their own.

To invoke the historical poetic terms: just as the ancient “deserta Boiorum” reminds us of cultural continuity in Austrian lands, we can see Austria’s Boer War support as a significant if overlooked part of that continuum – where ideals of liberty and a tradition of skilled craftsmanship (the ringing iron pings of industry) converged on a distant battlefield. Though time has obscured their story, the Austrians who stood with the Boers left behind a legacy of courage and camaraderie. It lives on in scattered archives, in a Viennese sausage, and in the shared history between Austria and South Africa – a testament to how deeply the principles of freedom can unite disparate peoples across continents.

Sources

• Geoffrey Wheatcroft, The Randlords – background on foreign engineers in the Boer Republics (Chapter 7).
• Primary Letters: Anton von Goldeck’s letters (translated in Neue Freie Presse, 1900–1901) via .
• G. Szabó-Zsoldos, “Hungarians in the Anglo-Boer War,” Historia 66(2), 2021 – discusses Austria-Hungary’s involvement.
• Johannesburg Heritage Foundation, Blue Plaque text for Begbie’s Foundry.
• Marc Latilla, “History of Braamfontein Pt.3” (2015) – details on cemetery and explosion.
• “Austria’s Cultural and Public Support for the Boers…” (Earthworm Express, 2023) – on Austrian rallies and Burenwurst.
• Ten Months in the Field with the Boers (Project Gutenberg) – diary by a foreign volunteer referencing Austro-Hungarians.
• Sydney Morning Herald (1 May 1900) – wire report on Johannesburg arsenal explosion.
• Wikipedia, “Boer Foreign Volunteers” – general overview (mentions Austria-Hungary).
• Austrian War Memorial (AWM) Photograph P00295.319 – Begbie’s Factory after explosion, c.1900.
• Radatz Wien, “Vienna’s Sausage Stand Sausages” – note on etymology of Burenwurst.
• Archival records of Braamfontein Cemetery – burial entries April 1900 (consulted via Johannesburg City Archives).
• Speech by Karl Lueger, 10 April 1901 (Vienna City Council Proceedings).
• Neues Wiener Journal, 5 May 1900, p.3 – article on the Burenwurst craze.
• Scelo.org.za (South African eJournals) – accounts of foreign volunteers and their motivations.